By Sanjay Ramesh
On 19 May 2000, at 10:00 am about seven indigenous Fijian nationalists, armed with automatic rifles, stormed into the Fiji Parliament, and held 40 Members of Parliament and Cabinet Ministers, including former first Indo-Fijian Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry hostage for 56 days.
Immediately following the news of the illegal takeover, supporters of the coup went on a rampage, petrol bombing and looting about 200 Indo-Fijian and Chinese-owned shops in Suva’s Central Business District.
At about 1:00 pm, coup leader George Speight, son of politician Sam Speight, installed Ratu Timoci Silatolu as the Interim Prime Minister of Fiji and at 1:30 pm, suspended the 1997 Constitution, the elected government, the Great Council of Chiefs and the President (see coverage in The Sydney Morning Herald, 20 May 2000; The Daily Telegraph, 20 May 2000).
After the Suva rampage, the President of Fiji, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara issued a statement denouncing the illegal takeover and imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew. Two battalions of soldiers from Suva’s Queen Elizabeth Barracks were dispatched to downtown Suva as police cleared the affected area and established roadblocks.
The presence of soldiers on the street did not stop the coup sympathisers from continuing their rampage across the capital city. In Suva, homes were targeted by indigenous Fijian nationalists, and many Indo-Fijian homes were attacked throughout the night.
Tony Wall of The New Zealand Herald reported on 24 May 2000 that an Indo-Fijian settlement near Suva “endured nightly reign of racial terror.”
As the violence took place in the streets, the Chairperson of the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC), Sitiveni Rabuka (current Prime Minister of Fiji), continued to hold discussions with the coup leaders to resolve the political crisis (Fijilive, 19 May 2000).
On 20 May 2000, rumours surfaced that Prime Minister Chaudhry was beaten by his captors and forced to sign a resignation letter. Also physically abused was the PM’s son Rajendra Chaudhry along with other Indo-Fijian Ministers.
At 5:00 am on 21 May 2000, ten junior Ministers were released, and among them was Assistant Minister for Information Lekh Ram Vayeshnoi, who confirmed that the Prime Minister was attacked at gunpoint after his captors feared an imminent raid from sections of the military opposed to the coup (The Fiji Times, 23 May 2000).
An impasse between the coup leader and the hostage negotiators continued as family members of the MPs in captivity were allowed to bring food and clothing.
In an interview, the coup leader George Speight highlighted that he was prepared to execute the hostages if his demands were not met. Negotiations with the coup leader were stagnating and the President of Fiji issued a statement that the coup leader had plans to kill his captors (The Sydney Morning Herald, 30 May 2000). This statement was immediately refuted by George Speight, the public relations face of the 2000 coup.
Late Ratu Mara in a Presidential decree banned foreign media from conducting further interviews with the Speight group. However, restrictions were eased on 23 May 2000 and journalists were once again able to interview Speight, who blamed the Indo-Fijians for the insecurities of Indigenous Fijians (Associated Press, 31 May 2000).
On 22 May 2000, the nationalist group called the Taukei Movement withdrew support for George Speight and in the afternoon of that day, President Ratu Mara cast doubt on the future of Chaudhry as the Prime Minister of Fiji, after revealing that he would put alternative government scenarios to the Great Council of Chiefs.
On 23 May 2000, the Great Council of Chiefs convened an emergency meeting, where the hostage situation was discussed at length. Meanwhile, the chiefs from Western Fiji declared in a press statement that they supported the constitutional government of the day (The Great Council of Chiefs Resolutions, 23 May 2000).
As international pressure mounted, the Great Council of Chiefs’ Chairperson, Sitiveni Rabuka, supported the 1997 Constitution and as a result was accused by George Speight of negotiating with him in bad faith. It was crucial that the Great Council of Chiefs spoke with a single voice and denounced the illegal takeover. Instead, the chiefs from the eastern part of Fiji supported whereas others were less supportive and concerned about the economic effect as tourist numbers to the island plummeted following the events of 14 May 2000.
On 23 May 2000, the chiefs deliberated on the political crisis and pledged unanimous support for President Ratu Mara. George Speight expressed concern at the decision of the chiefs, insisting that the President and the 1997 Constitution had to be removed (National Post, 31 May 2000).
On 25 May 2000, a stalemate was setting in as Indigenous Fijians from nearby villages in Suva convened to offer their support to the coup leader. The Great Council of Chiefs agreed to dismiss the Chaudhry government and set up an interim administration for up to three years to investigate ways of changing the 1997 Constitution. After getting all his demands, George Speight continued his defiance.
On 27 May 2000, a group of Speight supporters stormed a military camp near the parliament and attempted to wrestle weapons away from the soldiers, and during the skirmish, two soldiers and an Agence France-Presse (AFP) journalist were injured when Speight’s shooters fired at them. Soon afterwards, the soldiers retreated, and the mob looted and uprooted the army camp (PACNEWS, 27 May 2000).
Political tensions remained high throughout Fiji and in the afternoon, the President of Fiji confirmed that he had relieved Prime Minister Chaudhry and appointed Ratu Tevita Momoedonu on grounds that Chaudhry was incapable of performing his duties because he was held hostage at the parliament building. The actions of the President did not satisfy George Speight whose supporters were planning further criminal activities.
In the afternoon of 28 May 2000, Fiji TV analysed the forces behind the 2000 coup and focused on George Speight who was portrayed by the TV program as a person without any history of championing Indigenous issues in the country (Fiji TV, 28 May 2000).
One of the interviewees on the television program, Jone Dakuvula, highlighted the role of the chiefs from Tailevu and Naitasiri behind the coup. Dakuvula’s claims infuriated Speight supporters and as a result, a group of 200 Indigenous men attacked and ransacked the television station and shot and killed an Indigenous Fijian police officer.
On 29 May 2000, the President summoned the commander of the Fiji Military Forces and former Prime Minster of Fiji Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama to discuss the deteriorating security around Suva City amid rumours that Speight supporters planned another wave of mob violence. At the meeting, Commodore Bainimarama and his military advisors advised the President that they had intelligence was an imminent threat against him and as a result, the President stepped aside in the evening, allowing Commodore Bainimarama to assume executive authority and declare martial law (BBC, 31 May 2000). Army checkpoints were established throughout Suva and a 24-hour curfew was imposed on the city.
On 30 May 2000, negotiations started between representatives of the Fiji Military Forces and George Speight as the military tightened its grip on the city to restrict the movement of the coup sympathisers. On the negotiating table were issues around the Council of Advisers, the proposed amnesty, and the abrogation of the 1997 Constitution.
To appease the coup leader, the army agreed to the amnesty for George Speight and his henchmen, and the 1997 Constitution was abrogated by the military (Interim Military Government Decree No. 1). Ratu Epeli Nailatikau, a former army commander and former Fijian ambassador to the United Kingdom, was designated as the interim Prime Minister.
In the evening of 30 May 2000, Speight and his supporters were promised immunity from all coup-related prosecution. However, progress in negotiations came to a standstill on 31 May 2000 after George Speight changed his mind and refused to accept the military-appointed Prime Minister because he was the son-in-law of President Ratu Mara.
On 30 June 2000, the Financial Review reported that deposed Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry “was seen for the first time” along with 26 other politicians held hostage inside Fiji’s parliament. There were also reports that soldiers loyal to Commodore Bainimarama “had grown frustrated with the stand-off and were eager to retaliate against taunts from within the rebel camp” (The Age, 27 June 2000).
As a sign of goodwill, earlier on 25 June 2000, Speight released women hostages including, Adi Koila Nailatikau daughter of President Ratu Mara, Marieta Rigamoto, Lavania Padarath and Akinisi Koroitamana (The Sydney Morning Herald, 26 June 2000).
After 56 days, the remaining hostages were released, and the coup leader George Speight and his bodyguard were arrested by the military on 26 July 2000 (Fiji Village News, 26 July 2000).
In December 2000, supporters of George Speight staged a mutiny against Voreqe Bainimarama at the Queen Elizabeth Barracks in Suva. However, the mutiny failed with Bainimarama withdrawing his support for the indigenous nationalist cause and publicly criticised the policies of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase from 2003, leading to yet another coup in 2006.
After spending 24 years in prison, George Speight has now been released, and according to Fiji Village News, “George Speight had his death sentence commuted to life imprisonment in 2002 (Fiji Village News 20 September 2024).
The President of Fiji, Ratu Viliame Katonivere, approved Speight’s release after the Mercy Commission recommended a pardon based on his behaviour in prison and the length of time served. The Mercy Commission, a committee that recommends that the president exercise the power of mercy in the form of a pardon or by other means, defended the decision on 19 September 2024.
A spokesperson for the commission stated, “Justice must be balanced with compassion.” The commission cited Speight’s rehabilitation as a key factor in its recommendation to the president, who acted on their advice under Section 119(5) of the 2013 Fiji Constitution. Moreover, the Fiji Corrections Services reviewed psychological and judicial assessments while providing positive reports on Speight’s behaviour, supporting his reintegration into society (Jurist News, 20 September 2024).
The release of George Speight and some of his co-conspirators has once again divided Fiji mostly along ethnic lines with Indo-Fijians and their leaders requesting truth and reconciliation from those released whereas Indigenous Fijians requesting forgiveness, highlighting the time served.
The supporters of the 2000 coup have highlighted in the past that the 1987 coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka nor 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama served time in prison for treason and in fact ensured that they were and those involved were granted immunity in the 1990, 1987 and 2013 Fiji Constitutions.
As Fiji embarks on truth and reconciliation, the ghosts of Fiji’s past coups linger. However, there is hope that finally truth about the coups will emerge and constructive reconciliation and forgiveness can take place especially between the Indigenous Fijians and the Indo-Fijian communities.
In the meantime, according to media reports, Fiji TV has quoted government officials as saying Speight wants to make a private apology to the former Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry, and other politicians who were held captive for 56 days in 2000.
Contributing Author: Dr Sanjay Ramesh is an Associate Lecturer at the University of Sydney.
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