By Sagina Walyat
India’s Narendra Modi, during his visit to Ukraine, described the country as a valued friend of India, marking a significant moment as he became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Ukraine after it became an independent nation on 24th August 1991. Both Modi and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky termed the visit historic, underscoring the importance of the occasion and Washington described it ‘helpful’.
Modi’s arrival in war-torn Kyiv, followed by a rewarding two-day visit to Poland, added a strategic layer to the trip. The visit was being closely watched, particularly by Western capitals, given its timing and geopolitical implications. The meeting between the leaders of New Delhi and Kyiv came just a month after Modi’s widely discussed meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow which was criticised by some quarters of Western establishment including Zelensky himself.
The trip coincided with Ukraine’s National Day, further amplifying its significance. Notably, it also occurred shortly after Ukraine made a bold advance by capturing approximately 1,150 km of Russian territory in the Kursk region which at the backdrop added layers of complexity.
The Indian leader said India was ‘never neutral’ and has always taken a side—the side of peace in this conflict. This visit can be seen as opening the doors for a long-overdue enhancement of India-Ukraine bilateral relations. Modi made the visit at President Zelensky’s invitation, and in reciprocation, Zelensky’s visit to India is expected soon.
Zelensky, in response to media questions, expressed that there should be no delay in meeting again and urged the Indian side to host a second peace summit in Delhi later this year — though this seems unlikely. This visit can largely be seen as productive and constructive in terms of affirming bilateral relations with Ukraine against the backdrop of the ongoing war.
Although, India has been providing humanitarian assistance to Ukraine since the early days of the conflict, sending 17 consignments so far, but has never condemned Russia, nor has it signed the Switzerland peace communiqué. India has also maintained a balanced stance in UN resolutions, with a tilt towards Russia, consistently advocating for dialogue and diplomacy.
Unlike China, India has not presented a formal peace plan to Ukraine. Instead, India has shown full support and willingness to facilitate peace talks if both parties agree. India has vehemently expressed that solutions cannot be found on the battlefield; for peace to be achieved, both parties must sit and work towards a peace plan.
The Indian leader emphasised his respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity in accordance with the international charter. India’s Foreign Minister Dr S Jaishankar hinted at exploring alternatives, and referred to trilateral beyond the Global Peace Summit, indicating two key points: first, back-channel diplomacy with Russia is already underway; second, India might limit its role in formal peace talks, opting instead to focus on providing humanitarian aid to Ukraine. Modi’s visit to Kyiv, with high fleet top officials including National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, corroborates the former.
Zelensky stated that he freely expressed his views with the Indian delegation, and it is believed that messages from Moscow’s perspective would have also been shared with him. President Zelensky also viewed India’s presence in Kyiv as representative of Global South countries, where Ukraine’s influence is limited.
India surpassed China in July to become Russia’s top oil importer, largely due to strict operational sanctions on big suppliers like Iran and Venezuela, which make the oil market tight for India, said Dr Jaishankar in interaction with Western media. Despite a reduced yet critical defence partnership, India and Russia share a longstanding and time-tested historical friendship. The personal rapport between the leaders of both countries makes the bilateral relationship more significant and mature.
Unlike Zelensky’s criticism of Modi’s bear hug to Putin, maturity has been observed from the Russian counterpart during Modi’s Ukraine visit, with a respectful silence being maintained in acknowledgement of India’s ‘strategic autonomy’ — something Putin has praised India for earlier as well. The Russian media described Modi’s visit as a message bearer, sharing perspectives on the peaceful resolution of the Ukraine conflict.
However, after Ukraine’s U.S.-supported invasion in Kursk, Putin has, for now, refused to engage in any peace talks with Ukraine, and it is expected that the situation may escalate further in the near future, contrary to Zelensky’s expectation that the invaded territory could be a negotiation point for setting a peace deal in return for Russian-occupied Ukrainian land.
There have been many speculations about this visit, including it being seen as a calculated move by India given US pressure and Ukrainian criticism over Modi’s recent Moscow visit coincided with an attack on a Ukrainian children’s hospital, allegedly hit by a Russian rocket, which Russia denies.
However, Indian diplomats have rejected this, stating that both capitals are independent of each other and that the trip is in adherence to President Zelensky’s invitation to his Indian counterpart and to enhance Delhi-Kyiv’s engagement in various sectors.
During this visit, significant MOUs have been signed between the two nations on agriculture, community cooperation, defence, medicine, education and science. The war in Ukraine has impacted all three services of the Indian military that have sizeable inventories both from Russia and Ukraine. The delay has halted the modernisation of the IAF’s AN-32 transport fleet, particularly the role of Ukrainian engines in over 30 frontline warships.
Sources suggest that Indian companies are of the view of the joint venture in defence manufacturing with Kyiv considering its cutting-edge battle-tested system and technologies – which may raise a concern in Moscow. Moreover, India, with its proactive interest in Europe, aims to diversify and strengthen relations with Western allies beyond France, Germany, the UK and Italy securing the ultimate fruition of IMEC (India-Middle-East-Europe Economic Corridor) for India alongside its growing interest in Central Europe. Additionally, India seeks to secure its interests amid China’s increasing influence in Europe.
India is among the very few countries with the unique ability to engage diplomatically with both Putin and the West, which can potentially facilitate dialogue and bridge the gap between Russia and the West. However, the outcome of the U.S. elections will significantly impact the war’s trajectory.
If Trump wins, Ukraine may receive limited support, and NATO might not be a priority. In this case, Russia could choose to extend the conflict to further its aims of redrawing borders. Alternatively, the conflict could come to an end with a potentially less hostile US administration willing to engage with Putin to secure a peace deal with Ukraine.
PM Modi on Ukraine’s visit strongly condemned the killings, mourned and paid homage to the children’s memorials with Kyiv’s counterpart. During his Moscow visit, he expressed deep sorrow over the children’s hospital attack, calling it deeply painful in his meeting with President Putin.
Whether India will play a proactive role in pursuing peace remains to be seen. If it does, it is likely to be through back-channel diplomacy. On the other hand, Zelensky is securing strategic interests through Modi’s visit, demonstrating this visit as a diplomatic win against Russia, with one of its closest allies.
However, India’s relations with Russia will remain largely unaffected, driven by both political and energy strategies as well as defence ties. The longstanding friendship between the two nations is now further reinforced by the emerging China factor, which plays a crucial role in India’s approach to maintaining strong ties with Russia. Despite the imposition of new sanctions on Russia, India has refused to honour any sanctions that are not UN-imposed, asserting its independent stance on the matter.
Interestingly, Chinese commentators have shown a surprising alignment with India’s position, particularly in the context of global economic stability with its oil strategy. This alignment may suggest a strategic convergence between Beijing and New Delhi on supporting Russia or possibly in response to India’s recent easing of restrictions on Chinese investments and business visa policies.
Amid significant speculation and diplomatic balancing, Prime Minister Modi successfully underscored India’s strong positioning in global affairs. He demonstrated how India has become a key player in global geopolitics, capable of engaging opposing sides while affirming its national interest.
Contributing Author: Sagina Walyat is an International Relations analyst, an AsiaGlobal Fellow at The University of Hongkong and a delegate of Australia-India Youth Dialogue (AIYD). She is also a lawyer and policymaker and is known for her work in social justice and human rights.
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